Recently, policy actors have posited the promotion of public integrity as a new response to corruption in government and the decline in trust in public institutions. However, often, this use of the term «public integrity» amounts to little more than rhetoric. Upon closer inspection, for many of those advocating its adoption, «public integrity» just means the absence of corruption, or whatever policy instruments will best prevent corruption. Thus, the putative new «public integrity agenda» is not new at all, but rather a rhetorical rebranding of the longer-standing anticorruption agenda. In this paper, we argue that such rhetorical use of the term «public integrity» is not harmless, but in fact risks damage to the overall cause of good governance and in particular the prospects of a genuinely novel, standalone, substantive «public integrity» agenda.
Come è cambiato il modello della corruzione in Lombardia nei poco più di vent’anni che hanno separato gli scandali di Tangentopoli dalla crisi che ha portato la Regione Lombardia allo scioglimento del 2012? Che cosa è successo in questo campo decisivo della vita pubblica tra la fine politica di Bettino Craxi e la fine politica di Roberto Formigoni? La risposta sta dentro i molti mutamenti del quadro generale. E non è per nulla trascurabile. Il modello della corruzione si è infatti evoluto per diversi aspetti, che insieme lo rendono più pervasivo e pericoloso.
How has the pattern of corruption in Lombardy changed between the Tangentopoli scandals and the crisis that led to the dissolution of the Lombardy Region in 2012? What happened in this decisive field of public life between the political demise of Bettino Craxi and the fall of Roberto Formigoni? The answer lies within the many changes in the general environment. The pattern of corruption has evolved in several ways, which altogether make it more pervasive and dangerous.
The Nordic countries are all stable democracies characterised by high levels of trust in public institutions. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), Scandinavia is still one of the least corrupt regions in the world. Several important societal changes in the last decades have, however, contributed to an increase in corruption problems. During the last two decades, political scandals have become a standard feature of political life, and many of these scandals involve economic affairs related to different types of corruption. This paper describes, discusses and analyses the apparent contrast between the Nordic countries’ high CPI-ranking and the increase of political and corruption-related scandals.
This paper puts forward a novel view of political corruption. I argue that institutionalist views of political corruption cannot account for the political salience of the personal corruption of elected politicians. I defend a view of political corruption as delegation wrongness, i.e. as an additional wrong, consisting in the forcible transfer on the constituents of elected politicians’ moral and political wrongs. I claim that this view of political corruption as delegation wrongness suits an intuitive general notion of moral corruption and can give a better account of specific cases of politicians’ corruption in democratic regimes.
Il primo numero della rivista “Etica Pubblica. Studi su Legalità e partecipazione” è disponibile. Il volume è dedicato ad una Spiecial Issue dal tema “Le lobbies in trasparenza” e contiene saggi di Andrea Pritoni, Gianluca Sgueo, Enrico Carloni, Francesco Merloni, Mattia Diletti, Marco Mazzoni, Luigi di Gregorio, Fabio Giglioni, Fabio Raspadori, Piercamillo Davigo, Giuseppe Fornari, Claudio Fava